Author: RB

Josh Chafetz has posted his speech to the Oxford Union on the question of winning or losing the peace:

Three of the most widely read American magazines have recently run stories on how the occupation is going, and the verdict is unanimous. “Americans are Losing the Victory” screams one. “How We Botched the Occupation” is on the cover of another. “Blueprint for a Mess” is the verdict of the third.

Actually, I’ve taken some liberties with two of those headlines, so let me start over. “Blueprint for a Mess” is indeed the cover article in this week’s New York Times Magazine. But “Americans Are Losing the Victory” is from the January 7, 1945 issue of Life magazine, and the full headline is “Americans are Losing the Victory in Europe.” The Saturday Evening Post on January 26, 1946 ran “How We Botched the German Occupation.”

Chafetz and two undergrads trounced two leftist MPs and an undergrad.

Here’s a part of the President’s speech on spreading democracy to the Middle East:

Our commitment to democracy is also tested in the Middle East, which is my focus today, and must be a focus of American policy for decades to come. In many nations of the Middle East — countries of great strategic importance — democracy has not yet taken root. And the questions arise: Are the peoples of the Middle East somehow beyond the reach of liberty? Are millions of men and women and children condemned by history or culture to live in despotism? Are they alone never to know freedom, and never even to have a choice in the matter? I, for one, do not believe it. I believe every person has the ability and the right to be free. (Applause.)

Some skeptics of democracy assert that the traditions of Islam are inhospitable to the representative government. This “cultural condescension,” as Ronald Reagan termed it, has a long history. After the Japanese surrender in 1945, a so-called Japan expert asserted that democracy in that former empire would “never work.” Another observer declared the prospects for democracy in post-Hitler Germany are, and I quote, “most uncertain at best” — he made that claim in 1957. Seventy-four years ago, The Sunday London Times declared nine-tenths of the population of India to be “illiterates not caring a fig for politics.” Yet when Indian democracy was imperiled in the 1970s, the Indian people showed their commitment to liberty in a national referendum that saved their form of government.

Time after time, observers have questioned whether this country, or that people, or this group, are “ready” for democracy — as if freedom were a prize you win for meeting our own Western standards of progress. In fact, the daily work of democracy itself is the path of progress. It teaches cooperation, the free exchange of ideas, and the peaceful resolution of differences. As men and women are showing, from Bangladesh to Botswana, to Mongolia, it is the practice of democracy that makes a nation ready for democracy, and every nation can start on this path.

It should be clear to all that Islam — the faith of one-fifth of humanity — is consistent with democratic rule. Democratic progress is found in many predominantly Muslim countries — in Turkey and Indonesia, and Senegal and Albania, Niger and Sierra Leone. Muslim men and women are good citizens of India and South Africa, of the nations of Western Europe, and of the United States of America.

More than half of all the Muslims in the world live in freedom under democratically constituted governments. They succeed in democratic societies, not in spite of their faith, but because of it. A religion that demands individual moral accountability, and encourages the encounter of the individual with God, is fully compatible with the rights and responsibilities of self-government.

Yet there’s a great challenge today in the Middle East. In the words of a recent report by Arab scholars, the global wave of democracy has — and I quote — “barely reached the Arab states.” They continue: “This freedom deficit undermines human development and is one of the most painful manifestations of lagging political development.” The freedom deficit they describe has terrible consequences, of the people of the Middle East and for the world. In many Middle Eastern countries, poverty is deep and it is spreading, women lack rights and are denied schooling. Whole societies remain stagnant while the world moves ahead. These are not the failures of a culture or a religion. These are the failures of political and economic doctrines.

This was an extremely important address, but I’ll have to delay commenting on it for a while.

Arab News columnist Fawaz Turki opposed the liberation of Iraq, but now he’s entertaining Revisionist Thoughts on the War on Iraq:

Look, I have no illusions about the shenanigans and hypocrisies of a big power like the US, including its neocon ideologues, who are more cons than neos. Lest we forget, at the height of Saddam’s bloody reach in the 1980s, which saw the Halabja atrocities, Washington not only uttered nary a word of criticism of the Iraqi leader, let alone called for his overthrow, but provided him with political, military and economic assistance that, in effect, underwrote his survival and made possible the very repression that American officials now claim they want to banish forever from the land.

All true. Yet, the US may, just may, end up doing in Iraq what it did in war-ravaged European countries under the Marshall Plan. And if it doesn’t, well, what would Iraqis have lost other than the ritual terror of life under a dictator who had splintered their society into raw fragments of fear, hysteria and self-denial — a man who insisted that third graders learn songs whose lyrics lauded him with lines such as “when he passes near, the roses celebrate.”

Saddam ruled by “fear, repression, genocide, cult of personality and wanton murder”, and now he doesn’t. The only people who still condemn this war are so consumed with hate for President Bush or for America that they can’t see daylight.

See also: Roger L. Simon, Andrew Sullivan.

See Michael Totten in Tech Central Station – The Crucial Alliance:

Last month at a Democratic Party debate Howard Dean said “we need to remember that the enemy here is George Bush.” This was during an argument with Dick Gephardt about Medicare. At the same time, the mullahs in Iran and the Stalinist tyrant in North Korea were firing up nuclear weapons programs. Al Qaeda threatens to use whatever nukes they can find to turn the United States into a “sea of deadly radiation.” At a time like this, calling George Bush the enemy is more than a little ridiculous.

Totten is eminently reasonable.